Thursday, May 17, 2012

No end to Boko Haram without tackling poverty, says Carson

Carson Carson

United States Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Ambassador Johnnie Carson, on Wednesday, held a teleconference with reporters. Carson spoke on Boko Haram, elections in Nigeria, U.S. trade relations with Africa, ECOWAS and so on. Excerpts: 
Boko Haram menace
In respect to Nigeria itself, we continue to see Boko Haram as a serious domestic threat to stability in northern Nigeria, and we have, in fact, been in very close contact with Nigerian officials about this situation.  We have offered to the Nigerians a wide variety of training to help them to improve their investigation skills, their ability to collect information on the Boko Haram threat, on forensics, to be able to do investigations on post-blast situations.  We have also offered them advice on how they can better defend against car bombs and IEDs, and we have worked with their security services, the police, and the military.
But with respect to Boko Haram, we have also said very clearly that we see the solution to this problem as both a security and a socio-economic issue.  There has to be a sound security strategy, but there also has to be a sound socio-economic strategy to address the enormous poverty which exists in northern Nigeria.  Both have to go hand in hand.  And so we are willing and open to help Nigeria in trying to deal with this domestic threat and recognise the seriousness of it, but again, as I say, it requires a security strategy as well as a socio-economic strategy to ultimately resolve it.  
ECOWAS 
ECOWAS is one of the stronger and more effective sub-regional organisations.  We have a high respect for the organisation itself.  We have a high respect for the ECOWAS Secretariat in Abuja and we have enormous respect for the current chairman of ECOWAS, President Ouattara and his foreign minister Duncan.  I think they have done a very, very good job in leading ECOWAS. 
With respect to both Mali and Guinea-Bissau, in the case of Mali in particular, we remain open to seeing precisely what it is that ECOWAS seeks to do militarily in that country.  We think that ECOWAS does have a role, but that role should be clearly defined.  It should be carefully thought out, and it should be staffed properly before it is undertaken.  I think we have been willing to provide logisticians and planners to ECOWAS Secretariat to help with any planning that they are doing, but the mission and the role must be defined before we make any kind of commitment.  And we look at the mission as being critical to what we would do to perhaps help.  At this juncture we have not, as far as I have been made aware, been asked for any kind of assistance with respect to Guinea-Bissau. 
Threat to democracy In Africa
We are committed to working with African countries on a bilateral basis to help strengthen their democratic institutions, help promote good governance and to strengthen their parliamentary and judicial systems.  We are working also with civil society groups to enhance and increase their participation.  
When we see a breakdown or an assault on democracy in Africa, as we have seen in Mali and in Guinea-Bissau recently, we have sought to work with the important sub-regional organizations as they have sought to restore democracy.  So in the case of both those countries, we have tried to work very closely with the ECOWAS leadership, both under the leadership of President Alassane Ouattara, but also under the ECOWAS Secretariat in Abuja.  
I think that ECOWAS has been very clear in both of those cases that they want an end to military rule, that the end of the era for coup d’états is over and that the people of those countries want and deserve democracy.  So I think that ECOWAS has stood up and stood clearly in favor of what people want.  We have to, as a part of the international community, work with the sub-regional organisation, and we have to be prepared to put pressure, including sanctions, on the states and on the individuals in those countries who perpetrate military interventions or who seek to retain power through unconstitutional means.  So in both of those instances, the United States has acted to cut off its assistance, its non-humanitarian assistance to both of those countries and to identify those individuals who are most responsible, and to sanction them with travel and visa bans. 
Food shortage in West Africa
President Obama will, this Friday (today),  on the eve of the G8 conference to be held at Camp David, will be speaking on the issue of food security, agriculture and food self-sufficiency in Africa for the most part.  He has invited four African presidents, your own President John Atta Mills, President Yayi from Benin, Prime Minister Meles from Ethiopia, and President Kikwete from Tanzania to this event, which will focus on agriculture.  
President Obama has instituted a new major initiative called Feed the Future which is designed to create a green agricultural revolution in Africa of the type that occurred in Latin America and in Asia in the 1960s and 70s and which effectively ended widespread hunger in many places in Latin America and Asia and has transformed places like Brazil into economic powerhouses, and which has ended food insufficiencies in places like India.  That green agricultural revolution has not yet come to Africa where some 70% of all African households depend primarily or secondarily on agriculture.  President Obama, through Feed the Future program and working with the United Nations and with the G8, is determined to put an enormous spotlight on and focus on agriculture.  
Africa has enormous promise and potential in the agriculture field, and there is absolutely no reason why Africa should be a food deficit country and why there should be food insufficiency in the continent and why it cannot, in fact, be a major agro-producer, not only for the continent, but also for export globally and around the world.  It is our focus here to step up our efforts in agriculture, and you will be hearing a lot more from the President on this issue over the next few days coming out of discussions here, as I mentioned with four African leaders, including AU Chairman Jean Ping on Friday and Saturday and going into early next week.  But it is one of the things that this President and this administration regard as a major, major project to work with Africa on.  
ECOWAS’s approach in Guinea-Bissau 
We remain very much concerned about what is happening in Guinea-Bissau.  First of all, we remain strongly opposed to military interventionism in the continent.  We have expressed our appreciation to ECOWAS for its strong statements and its strong commitment to return Guinea-Bissau back to democratic rule.  We believe that the country should be returned back to democratic rule as quickly as possible following the constitution that exists in that country.  We believe that ECOWAS has an important role to play in helping to advance the democratic agenda, to encourage the military to leave, and to help to bring about stability.  But equally, we believe that others can in fact play good supporting roles to ECOWAS, including the community of Portuguese speaking states and others in the international community.  I think that it is important that the military step aside.  They have been a negative force there.  They have been, in many instances, associated with narcotrafficking and with the instability that has prevailed there for far too long.  Clearly, we need to see the military out of power.  We need to see civilian government brought back according to the lines of the constitution. 
Progress in Africa
In the last three years, we have seen significant progress in Africa toward what people everywhere want and deserve –  that is the right to freely elected governments that respond to their needs, and that pursue peace, justice and prosperity.  The United States’ role in Africa is intended to support democratic governance, economic development, conflict mitigation, improved health delivery, and combating a range of transnational issues with our African partners.
The signs of progress across Africa are clear – another democratic transfer of power in Senegal this year; adherence to constitutional processes in Malawi that allowed a new, second female president for Africa to take the place of the former deceased president, President Muthurika; successful elections in Nigeria and Zambia last year; Cote d’Ivoire’s remarkable growth effort after its return to democracy in 2011; the process underway in Guinea Conakry to establish a full democratic system; and Niger’s return to democracy in 2010.  
These are all examples of the wave of democratic progress being led by the people of Africa.  Of course challenges remain; however, the progress is unmistakable and inspiring.  Even in tough and difficult situations like Somalia – where AMISOM’s recent successes against al-Shabaab must be followed by improved delivery of citizen services – we are seeing progress.  And of course the conflict between South Sudan and Sudan remains a very serious concern and we call on the government of Sudan and the government of South Sudan to immediately implement the AU Peace and Security Commission Roadmap and UN Security Council Resolution 2046.  
Today, I am particularly concerned with the situation in Mali, a glaring exception to the democratic progress we have seen in other parts of Africa.  Twenty-one years of democratic governance was swept aside by a few mutinous soldiers who seemed more concerned about their own welfare than that of the people or the nation they were supposed to be serving.  Their action has imperiled Mali’s territorial integrity, allowed rebels to take over half of the country, set back the country’s economic development and reduced the government’s capacity to respond to drought conditions in the north.  
The strong regional response to the coup in Mali makes clear that this misadventure has no future.  The United States fully supports ECOWAS’s mediation efforts to help Mali return to democratic rule.  But the path is clear – a short term transitional government that leads directly to free and fair presidential elections so that Mali can move forward with re-establishing its tradition of democratic governance is required.  The military must step aside completely.  Those who have illegally seized power in Mali have no right to remain in power and no strength to address the serious security and humanitarian issues that Mali faces today.  The sooner the transition back fully to democratic governance, the sooner Mali, with the assistance of the regional and international allies, can begin to repair the damage.  
Similarly, I am deeply concerned about the situation in Guinea-Bissau.  We have strongly condemned the military coup and the continued exercise of authority behind the scenes by military leaders in that country.  Every effort should be made to restore constitutional order and civilian rule, and the process should follow Guinea-Bissau’s constitution.  With ECOWAS in the lead, the states in the region should work with the community of Portuguese language countries and other international partners to restore democracy to that country.  In democracies the military has no role to play in governance.  
I remain absolutely convinced that Africa is at the beginning of an unprecedented period of progress, both politically and economically.  Problems such as those that we see in Sudan, Mali, and Guinea-Bissau are no longer the norm across Africa.  They are the exception to a much more progressive and promising Africa.  Africa’s economic potential is already well known.  Perhaps less appreciated, but even more important, is the tremendous intellectual, technical and business capital represented by Africa’s youth, women and entrepreneurs.  
We will continue to work to be good partners to the people of Africa through our support for the five pillars of President Obama’s policy towards the continent.  We will support Africa’s efforts to build strong democracies, to promote sustainable economic growth, to prevent conflicts, to expand access to healthcare and to dramatically improve agriculture, and to address the transnational issues such as food security, climate change, and international crime.  It is now time for us to focus on Africa’s potential and promise and not to define the continent solely by its problems.  
U.S. trade relations with Africa
I don’t have the figures of U.S. trade in front of me, and I don’t want to guess what the numbers are.  But I can say that Africa is a significant provider of petroleum products to the United States.  Some 18 to 19% of all of our petroleum requirements are sources from Africa.  Nigeria is our largest single African supplier and the largest supplier of low sulfur sweet crude to the United States, and it supplies roughly 8 to 9% of our needs, almost exactly the same amount as we get from Saudi Arabia.  
We also import a large number of other minerals from Africa.  We don’t import very many finished products from the continent, even though we have the AGOA legislation.  The African Growth and Opportunities Act has opened up the U.S. market to allow some 5,000 products to enter the U.S. from Africa duty free.  Most of the products coming in under the AGOA legislation are textile products, leatherwear, footwear, and we also import from South Africa automobiles as well that are shipped into the United States.  
The trade could be substantially better and larger.  We hope that it will continue to grow.  We think that Africa has enormous economic potential.  We think that it is the last economic global frontier.  We are encouraging American companies to look at Africa as an investment and export destination, and we encouraging African countries not only to look at American products, but also to look at the American market as one that they can benefit from.  
U.S. exports to Africa tend to be large capital goods items.  We sell airplanes, Boeings to Ethiopian Airlines, to Kenya Airways, to South African airlines.  We are not their principle supplier as we are to Ethiopia and to Kenya Airways.  We are a major supplier of airplanes and airplane parts to Air Morocco.  We supply large diesel generators, freight trains, diesel locomotives, sophisticated and hi-tech imaging equipment, mining equipment, all of these things on the high end.  We do not sell very many consumer products to the African market.  Those are coming in from places in Asia, but we do believe Africa is a significant market and an important market.

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